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2. Historical Criticism of Non-Christian
Resurrection Claims
It is the contention of this writer that
researchers such as Price and Yogananda are not critical
enough of non-Christian resurrection claims. Curiously
enough, Price’s entire effort referred to above [See
Part 1] is directed to the application of historical
criticism to Christian beliefs, yet his non-Christian
parallels, which occupy much of his essay, are almost
never subjected to similar criticisms.1
However, and strangely enough, Price’s
approach is duplicated by some other critical scholars.
Whereas there is frequently an in-depth study of
Christian claims, the same persons sometimes appear to
be much less critical of non-Christian beliefs. John A.
T. Robinson, for instance, in discussing the possibility
of the resurrection of Jesus, relates a claim of
Buddhist apotheosis. He tells the story of a saintly
Buddhist man whose body, a few days after his death in
1953, disappeared from a blanket with only nails and
hair left behind. And since a rainbow was seen over the
house in which his body was locked, the local villagers
assumed that he had been "absorbed and transmuted" into
the next life. And yet, there is almost no critical
interaction with the variety of possible critiques which
one might offer of such an account.2
One more example is provided by Charles
Hartshorne who, while also discussing the resurrection
of Jesus, relates that all religions report miracles.
Because of this, Hartshorne states, "I do not feel that
I can choose among such accounts...."3
But this last statement appears to
assume that, just because miracle reports abound, they
are on a similar footing. However, such a view
(regardless of whether any miracles have ever occurred)
forgoes the process of critical interaction. Are they
all to be either accepted or rejected en masse simply
because a variety of such reports does exist?
But as just asserted above, we must be
critical of both Price’s skepticism concerning all
similar accounts and Yogananda’s acceptance of many of
them, precisely because such conclusions are too
frequently held apart from analyses of the data itself.
To be more specific, Price, Yogananda, Robinson and
Hartshorne have all declined to apply rigorous critiques
to non-Christian claims.
To begin with the accounts of apotheosis,
several insurmountable problems immediately surface.
First, the sources reporting the data are relatively
late and otherwise questionable. While Suetonius did
have access to some official Roman records, he wrote
about 150 years after Julius Caesar and about 200 years
after Augustus. While this alone certainly does not
invalidate his work, habitual inclusions of the
paranormal are a known feature of his historical
writings.4 Besides, the Roman belief in
emperor worship helps explain references to apotheosis,
as almost half of Suetonius’ twelve emperors were said
to have been deified later. Dio Cassius also wrote about
100 years after Hadrian.
Second, and more damaging, reports which
claim that a spirit ascended to heaven or which assert
that stars and comets indicate a person’s glorified soul
do not qualify as historical evidence anyway. At best,
these are subjective testimonies which are hardly open
to any verification at all.
Third, reports of apotheosis, whether
true or false, do not necessarily involve a resurrection
anyway. In other words, the belief in an afterlife is
vastly different than the claim that an historical
person was actually raised from the dead and appeared to
his followers, which is the subject of this study.
As a test case, we will view Philostratus’
testimony concerning Apollonius of Tyana, which is
probably the major claim to apotheosis. Indeed, Price
places repeated emphasis on the account of this ancient
philosopher.5 And yet here, in particular, we
find an incredible series of problems with any attempt
to validate Philostratus’ account.6
(1) Philostratus wrote over 100 years
after the end of Apollonius’ life. Again, this in itself
is not a horribly large gap, but it is enough to make
one be careful to ascertain the author’s sources and the
actual substance of his reports.
(2) Critical scholars have judged that
Philostratus’ work is romantic fiction, one of the most
popular literary forms of the second century A.D. There
are several major indications, then, that the author’s
primary intent was other than to produce an exact
historical chronology of Apollonius’ life.7
(3) There are also serious historical
inaccuracies in this work, such as Apollonius’ lengthy
excursions to then non-existent cities such as Nineveh
and Babylon (which had both been destroyed hundreds of
years beforehand). Likewise, the dialogues with the
kings at each of these locations could not have
occurred, at least in their present formulations. Such
also brings other portions of the work into question.8
(4) Philostratus was commissioned to
write his work by Julia Domna, wife of Roman Emperor
Septimius Severus, and it is popularly held by scholars
that she did so "as a counterblast to Jesus."9
Here we have some indicators that similarities with
Jesus are more than coincidence.
(5) Some doubt if Damis, the disciple of
Apollonius who is said to have written Philostratus’
major source, is really an historical person at all.10
And if Damis never lived (he is said to have come from
non-existent Nineveh, for example), Philostratus’
material is anonymous and thus certainly questionable.
(6) In regard to the supernatural claims,
Damis (or the otherwise unknown author of this account)
is "not altogether... credible" as a source and is known
to have embellished Apollonius’ life, especially the
claimed miracles. Philostratus himself added many
fictitious items to the life of Apollonius and, again,
miracles are among these items.11
(7) Philostratus freely admits that Damis’
account ends before Apollonius died and therefore
neither his death nor any further claims are even
recorded in the only extant source. So Philostratus
contents himself to report explicitly contradictory
"stories" that have been repeated about the death of
Apollonius over a century later.12
(8) Lastly, Apollonius’ disappearance
from a temple provides evidence for nothing
supernatural, especially apotheosis. And a skeptic’s
dream does not provide any evidence for a resurrection,
especially when we are told that others who were present
saw nothing.13
We conclude, then, that the ancient
accounts of apotheosis are quite problematical on the
grounds of historical sources, the lack of any
verifiability and the fact that there are no actual
claims to resurrections here at all. In our example of
Apollonius, numerous serious problems, including
Philostratus’ source ending before Apollonius’ death,
invalidate the attempt to ascertain historically any
evidence for post-death phenomena.
With regard to non-Christian resurrection
claims, critical investigation reveals numerous other
problems. Concerning the report about Rabbi Judah’s
post-resurrection appearances, the most significant
issue is the date of the testimony. While the Rabbi died
in A.D. 220, the Gemara in which the incident is
actually recorded is dated from about the fifth century,14
a major gap. Additionally, there appears to be only one
claimed witness to the phenomena (the maid) and there is
no attempt to provide any evidence. This is not to say
that such phenomena could not have occurred, but only
that it would be virtually impossible even to begin to
demonstrate it.
In the case of Kabir, the chief problem
is also the lack of any early or eyewitness
documentation.15
Thus, with regard to actual historical data, no
evidentially relevant records are available for
examination. And, when attempting to reconstruct the
events surrounding Kabir’s death there is even more of a
problem. It can be shown that legend crept up quickly in
the aftermath of Kabir’s life, especially at each of the
points involving supernatural claims, such as a
miraculous birth, miracles done during his life and his
appearing to his disciples after death. In fact, it was
found that this is a very natural and expected process
in the formation of Indian legend.16
Several other criticisms (especially alternative
formulations) could be leveled at the case of Kabir, as
we will do below with another such account. But the
demonstrated presence of legend especially in the
crucial portions of the reports and the absence of any
verifiable historical documentation are, in this
writer’s opinion, decisive enough at this point in our
investigation since they effectively keep us from
checking these later claims of resurrection.
Now the major point in this investigation
is not an a priori rejection of the miraculous. Our
critiques of Rabbi Judah and Kabir should therefore not
be that miracles are claimed and are thereby legendary,
but that there are no reliable historical data from
early, eyewitness sources against which such later
claims can be critically compared and ascertained. In
other words, the crucial point is not that resurrections
are claimed. This is certainly not an anomaly. What is
important is the lack of verification for these claims.
And in the absence of this crucial documentation, such
conclusions are necessary.
Another of Price’s favorite cases is
Sabbatai Sevi,17
but this example, like that of Apollonius of Tyana,
reveals numerous problems for anyone who would argue for
a resurrection or other supernatural elements. (1)
Miracle stories concerning Sabbatai spread almost
immediately after his appearance in various cities, with
letters from Palestine being sent to various communities
in Northern Europe. The letters, which were sent far and
wide, contain many rumors and unsubstantiated reports.
As Stephen Sharot states:
There were
often wide gaps between the teachings of Nathan, the
events around Zvi in the Middle East, and the content
of the news. ...The letters and rumors told of
miracles and mythological and apocalyptic events
occurring in the present... .18
Some of these reports concerned rather
"wild" and incorrect claims that the lost ten tribes of
Israel had reappeared in Arabia, that Mecca had been
destroyed and that certain Christian churches had sunk
into the earth.19
Additionally, (2) Christian reports,
dependent on the Jewish reports, "added distortions,
exaggerations, and embellishments of their own."20
(3) Nathan, Sabbatai’s "forerunner,"
argued against such miraculous reports himself on the
grounds that faith alone should suffice.21
Concerning Sabbatai’s claims to be the Messiah, other
problems surface.
(4) Some of Sabbatai’s activities and
claims can presumably be explained in that it is known
that he was manic depressive.22
(5) But even more devastating, Sabbatai
was imprisoned by the Turkish Moslems and was given the
choice of either dying or converting to Islam. Sabbatai
not only denied that he had made any messianic claims,
but converted to the Islamic faith and then encouraged
some of his disciples to do the same! Most of his
followers admitted that they had been mistaken, with
some even turning to Christianity.23
What about Sabbatai’s death and
afterwards? Again we find several more serious problems.
(6) Although Sabbatai died in 1676, the major teaching
of the Sabbatians was that he only appeared to die. In
principle, this view may actually be close to the
apotheosis described earlier, chiefly with regard to the
Roman emperors.24
(7) Concerning the incident of Sabbatai’s
brother Elijah finding the tomb empty, Scholem notes the
specific stages through which this legend grew,
evidenced by the group’s own internal documents.25
(8) While one letter notes Nathan’s
teaching that Sabbatai was still alive and that Nathan
would soon meet him again, Scholem points out that even
when this letter was written, Nathan had already died
one month earlier without having met Sabbatai.26
(9) Lastly, there were apparently no
claims that Sabbatai appeared after his death anyway,
especially when it was officially taught by Nathan that
he did not die in the first place! At any rate, there is
no historical evidence here for Sabbatai’s resurrection.
Concerning the claims that Lahiri
Mahasaya and Sri Yukteswar rose from the dead, we again
need to apply the same types of critical questioning
which we have proposed above. Even though we are told
that Mahasaya appeared to three individual persons and
Yukteswar is said to have appeared to two, one of whom
touched him, numerous queries need to be made.
For example, all five reported
appearances were to single individuals while they were
alone. Especially in light of this fact and the
possibility of grieving in most cases, hallucination is
certainly a very possible (if not a likely) conclusion.
And what about other subjective theories such as
autosuggestion, especially with persons who so readily
accepted belief in such phenomena?27 And
could parapsychological phenomena such as occultic
activity be a factor, which is certainly possible if not
actually hinted at in some of these cases?28
Embellished accounts which grow over time
are a known reality in religious literature, as pointed
out earlier in this essay, but the above accounts
certainly do not rule them out. The practice of Eastern
meditation also needs to be mentioned as a possible
contributory factor, at least in the example where
Yogananda claims to have seen and touched his former
guru Yukteswar while meditating. This is especially so
in that Yogananda informs us that he saw Yukteswar "one
week after the vision of Krishna," whom he saw above the
roof of a nearby building as Krishna "waved to me,
smiling and nodding in greeting."29 To this
writer, at least, this last element alone has some
bearing on the credibility of the testimony given in the
ensuing report of resurrection.30 And we must
not rule out even the possibility of plain misreporting
of various types in some of these accounts. Price points
out a blatant case of this in the Moslem tradition.31
It must be remembered that no one alternative theory
need account for all of the reported appearances.
Different (or even combined) theories might be the
answer.
Here again, as we did earlier, we must
also note that it is not enough simply to report a
miracle. Such a case must be substantiated and proved if
it is to provide a basis for one’s beliefs. And the
burden of proof is on those who claim, in this case,
that a resurrection has occurred. A miracle-claim
requires strong evidence in that, by definition, such
events are not the normal fare.32 But the
necessary proof is not provided in any of the
non-Christian cases before us here. Simply to present a
case of resurrection is not to substantiate or prove it
and without this evidence to establish it, the miracle
cannot, in turn, serve as a proof for a system of
theological or religious belief.
3. Conclusion
It is an interesting phenomenon that some
scholars who are otherwise critical in their approach to
Christian claims33
are somewhat less so when it
comes to non-Christian claims of apotheosis and
resurrection. But it must be said that such claims have
not fared well in terms of historical investigation. Now
this does not disprove such beliefs; it only reveals
that they cannot be established (or known) by historical
methodology.
But what if more evidence turns up for
some of these non-Christian claims in the future or if
entirely new cases are utilized? For instance, what if
early evidence for the reports about Kabir turns up? Or
what if there is evidence from several eyewitnesses at
one time for accounts involving Indian resurrections?
Initially, it must be mentioned that such
suppositions are somewhat arbitrary in that one could
always postulate the possibility of future evidence for
any proposition. But even beyond this, in the examples
of Kabir and the Indian gurus (as well as with other
instances pursued in this essay) such evidence might
help to eliminate a major naturalistic alternative, but
would not rule out some of the other possible hypotheses
such as those already mentioned. But all viable
naturalistic theories need to be addressed; simply a
host of data would be required.
So to conclude briefly, non-Christian
resurrection claims have not been proved by the
evidence. Any of several naturalistic hypotheses is
certainly possible and, in some cases, one or more can
specifically be postulated as a probable cause. Simply
to report a miracle is not sufficient to establish it,
especially if that miracle is then going to be used to
support a religious system. And to answer a question
posed at the outset of this essay, non-Christian
religions cannot use their resurrection claims to
provide evidence for the system in question if these
claims are themselves unsubstantiated.
Notes
1 Robert
Price, "Is There a Place for Historical Criticism?",
pp. 2-3.
2 John A.
T. Robinson, The Human Face of God
(Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1973), pp. 138-9.
3 See
Charles Hartshorne’s response in Gary R. Habermas and
Antony Flew, Did Jesus Rise from the Dead? The
Resurrection Debate (San Francisco: Harper and
Row, 1987), p. 137.
4 See
Robert Graves’ Foreword to Suetonius’ The Twelve
Caesars, p. 7.
5 Price,
pp. 19, 23, 28-9.
6 It should
be carefully noted here that Price does not doubt that
there is much legend in Philostratus’ account, as he
points out (pp. 23, 29). Yet again, he does not
subject Philostratus’ account to the same sort of
historical criticism which he applies to Christianity.
7 For
details, see Howard Kee, Miracle in the Early
Christian World (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1983), p. 253; Hastings, p. 699; S. A. Cook, editor,
The Cambridge Ancient History (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1965), p. 611.
8 For
instance, it is also recognized by most scholars that
Philostratus placed conversations in Apollonius’ mouth
which the latter could not have spoken, as indicated
by the fact that some of these portions are taken from
other works by Philostratus himself (namely from the
Lives of the Sophists).
9 James
Ferguson, The Religions of the Roman Empire
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970), p. 51. Cf.
Cook, p. 613; Hastings, p. 610.
10
Ferguson, p. 182; Kee, p. 256; Charles Bigg, The
Origins of Christianity (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1910), p. 306.
11 For
these problems, see Conybeare’s "Introduction" to
Philostratus’ work, pages vii-x. Cf. Cartlidge and
Dungan, p. 206.
12
Philostratus, VIII.29.
13 Ibid,
VIII.31.
14 Personal
conversation with Asher Finkel, Seton Hall University,
24 May 1988.
15 While
some of Kabir’s sayings were copied down about 50
years after his death, contemporary scholarship is not
certain exactly which of these teachings are actually
his and which are ascribed to others, especially since
the poems and verses are frequently mixed with those
of other authors. But at any rate, these writings do
not include the historical data in question. See, for
example, John Clark Archer, The Sikhs
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1946), pp. 50,
52-3.
16 Mohan
Singh, Kabir and the Bhagti Movement (Lahore,
1934). See Archer (pp. 63-4) who summarizes Singh’s
demarcation of the steps by which legend appeared in
the teachings about Kabir.
17 Price,
pp. 4-5, 9-10, 27.
18 Stephen
Sharot, Messianism, Mysticism and Magic: A
Sociological Analysis of Jewish Religious Movements
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
1982), pp. 87-8, 90.
19 Ibid. p.
88.
20 Ibid.
21 Ibid.
pp. 87-8.
22 Ibid. p.
91; Gershom G. Scholem, Major Trends in Jewish
Mysticism (New York: Schocken Books), p. 90.
23 For
Sharot’s report of these events, see pp. 115-17.
24 Scholem,
Sabbatai Sevi, pp. 920, 922-4; Sharot, p. 122.
25 Scholem,
ibid. pp. 919-20.
26 Ibid. p.
925.
27
Yogananda, pp. 313, 349.
28 For
instance, one former Indian guru states: "My world was
filled with spirits and gods and occult powers, and my
obligation from childhood was to give each its due."
See Rabindranath R. Maharaj (with Dave Hunt),
Escape into the Light (Eugene: Harvest House
Publishers, 1984), p. 24. This volume was formerly
published as Death of a Guru (Philadelphia: H.
J. Holman, 1977).
29
Yogananda, p. 413.
30 The
simply incredible nature of the claim to have seen
Krishna above a nearby building, I dare say, would
bother many researchers. But beyond even that (because
again, we ought not to reject claims in a priori
manner), how could Yogananda recognize and identify
Krishna, for instance, even if he had seen him? And if
there is a problem here, what about in the next
instance (with Yukteswar) ? In other words, if
Yogananda presumably cannot positively identify
Krishna for sure (at least in any evidential sense),
what can be said about the next appearance claim,
which was also quite subjective? In fact, this writer,
at least, would say that Yogananda has hereby
seriously compromised his testimony as a reporter.
31 Price,
p. 13.
32
Generally speaking, I think it is often true that
persons require more evidence to believe an
extraordinary event than to accept a regular
occurrence. While I disagree with David Hume’s
position that virtually no evidence can ever establish
a miracle, I think it is correct that we ought to have
strong evidence for one. (For Hume’s position at this
point see "Of Miracles," section, part 10 of An
Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding.)
33
Strangely enough, even though Price is quite critical
of Christian claims, he concludes his discussion of
Jesus’ resurrection with the intriguing comment:
"...one need not assume that there was no
resurrection. Indeed it was precisely because of
experiences of some kind... that anyone cared to
glorify Jesus" (p. 20).
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